By the Rabat operation, Khalaf intended to prove that he was still a power to be dealt with in the Palestinian movement. After the plot aborted and following several weeks of discreet nonappearance, Khalaf reemerged at center stage with a more prominent and frequent role in Fatah PLO matters. When estranged from 'Mdhafi, Khalaf may have developed some ties to elements in the Egyptian I' , ader8hip. Then he shifted his alinement to Syria: He seemed to in p port the Fatah leftists who wanted to attack the Israelis while they were withdrawing.
U Recently, Khalaf has undertaken a mediating role in Lebanon.
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Khalaf stated i hat both the Lebanese and the Palestinians had been duped into the crisis in I. U Khalaf's willingness to enunciate thoughts and act in ways that the more "diplomatic" or "political" Arafat cannot or will not has been exploited hy Arafat. At the Tripoli Summit in December , it was Khalaf who affixed his signato-e to the official documents for Fatah in lieu of Arafat who thereby avoided complete identification with re jectionisio.
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He has been a member of almost every Fatah delegation to China and has visited other. Asian Communist countries. At one time, he was in charge of all arms and materiel acquisitions for Fatah. Reportedly, he was one of the major BSO leaders in U Loyal to Arafat and apparently supportive of the Fatah chairman's moderation, Wazir deployed A1 Asifah forces to suppress Fatah dissidents in April and was responsible for attempts to establish Palestinian rightist hegemony in southern Lebanon later in the year.
U Wazir narrowly escaped death on 10 October when an electron- ically detonated bomb exploded alongside a road on which he was traveling in south Lebanon and shattered his car windscreen. U Formed by Palestinian exiles in Kuwait in the early s, Fatah surfaced in and began to mount regular commando raids into Israel on 1 January After the Six-Day War, Fatau grew rapidly and eclipsed other fedayeen organizations. By , however, as a result of terrorist operations culminating in Jordan, the Jordanians viewed the Palestinian presence as a threat to their regime.
In the summers of Black September and , all Palestinian guerrilla organizations were forcibly expelled from Jordan.
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Most offices and activities moved to Lebanon. NM t Tees abetted instigated? In October "VJ. U Unwilling to be surpassed by more active opponents of the peace process, Fatah launched the Tel Aviv-Haifa Road operation, in March In retaliation, the Israeli Defense Forces swept into Lebanon to clean out guer- rilla bases and strongholds south of the Litani River.
In expectation of the invasion, the Palestinians had initiated an orderly withdrawal of forces and, from strategic locations, were able to impede the Israeli advance. The Palestinians delayed the Israelis longer than Egypt had in and longer than the combined Arab forces had in Palestinian 'losses reportedly were about half of what were expected and, therefore, tolerable. In their own terms, the Palestinians were generally triumphant. But the Palestinians disagreed among themselves about when that return would take place.
U A hint of Arafat's determination to take forceful action against opponents was almost unnoticed in the week before the. Israeli invasion. Compared to others, Abu Sa'id was only a minor annoyance to Fatah moderates. U Stronger opposition regained. During the war in Lebanon, Fatah commanders had been given independent power over their military units. He gathered a group of about followers, many from the BJO, and prepared to attack the Israelis. Arafat issued orders for their arrest and a battle ensued. Arafat was supported by Khalil al Wazir and Ha'il abd al Hamid. Wazir commanded the attack on Da'ud 's men.
Most arrestees were released. Independent military tiimands were removed by handing over responsibility for all decisions con- "i "mg the military situation in Lebanon to Wazir.
Arafat, however, counter-. U Arafat's confrontations were not only with Fatah and other Palestin- ian reactionists but with the regime that supported them— Iraq. After , -. Fatah even attacked rejectionist offices in Libya. Arafat agreed to halt the propaganda campaign, halt all acts of terrorism and attacks on rejectionist organizations in Leba- non and abroad, and hold a direct PLO-Iraq dialog.
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Moved by a devastating explosion at a joint Palestinian headquarters in Beirut in mid-August, Fatah delegates and representatives of all other fedayeen groups held bilateral meetings. Reconciliations were accelerated by the Camp David accords in September when the need to build a united Arab front to oppose Egyptian- Israeli peace took precedence over any disputes. For the first time, Fatah attended and emerged from a PNC session without at least one other Palestinian faction as an ally.
Fatah, however, would not accept any restructuring formula that would dilute its strength on the com- mittee and demanded that the addition of rejectionist representatives be offset by an increase in its own EC members. The other groups adamantly refused. Another result beneficial to Fatah concerned the disposition of funds granted by the confrontation summits.
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Fatah desired distribution through PLO institutions it controls. The other wanted funds allocated on a group quota basis. The EC will decide a compromise between institutions and organizations; and Fatah still dominates the EC. Fatah argues that the dialog with Jordan is necessary in order to keep Jordan out of the peace process— diplomacy for the sake of diplomacy.
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Other fedayeen fac- tions demand more concrete results in the form of bases, offices and recruit- ment rights in Jordan and perceive mere political accomplishments as a surren- der to Jordan. Palestinian-Jordanian relations are still controversial in Palestinian circles. As a conclave of all the previously warring Palestinian groups, the PNC meetings did set the stage for further unity efforts and discussions.
As of mid-February , the threat of a Middle East peace advanced intra-Palestinian pacification. Inadequacy of available information, however, inhibits conclusions about the magnitude of current terrorist threats from this source. Katah's few dramatic assaults in Israel help sustain its preeminent position among guerrilla groups who recognize- and respect the greater danger Involved in confronting the enemy on enemy soil than in indulging in attacks on more accessible international soil. In late , the number of terrorist strikes against Israeli settle- ments oh the West Bank rose.
Fatah always claims that its Israeli targets are military ones, even when civilians are the victims. In its heyday, the BSO favored dramatic exploits, combining different types of activities such as assassinations, hijackings, taking hostages, and sabotage. BSO missions were planned carefully and manpower was selected from the educated, frequently multilingual, ranks of various guerrilla groups or from sympathizers. Those chosen received special training and forged documents, usually departed from Beirut , and took convoluted itineraries to reach prescribed destinations.
U Observers of terrorism commented that Fatah's anti-Iraq campaign in the summer of lacked the sophistication associated with BSO plans. The member Revolutionary Council is a powerful intermediary body, controlling spending and supervising the effectiveness of Fatah administrative agencies. It convenes about every 3 months. The larger General Council is a parlia- mentary forum which meets infrequently. Each region is a self-contained unit with its own political and military bureaus and information center.
At the base of the pyramid are cells, located in each refugee camp, university with Palestinian students, and factory with Palestinian workers. Arafat is believed to use Office 17 as an internal intelligence apparatus and, perhaps, as an elite strike force against political opponents. C BSO elements generally formed cells of five men each; four for exe- cuting operations and the fifth as a connecting link to other secret cells. Only the leader knew and contacted other cell leaders. Depending on the circumstances , cells might have been smaller or larger.
In and , cells or teams with as many as 15 members were involved in actions. The primary aim of the March Israeli invasion was to clear guerrillas out of this and other border areas and to establish a Lebanese Christian security belt adjacent to the Israeli border.